{"id":25,"date":"2026-05-19T17:39:05","date_gmt":"2026-05-19T17:39:05","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/cityrelocationnews.com\/?p=25"},"modified":"2026-05-19T17:39:05","modified_gmt":"2026-05-19T17:39:05","slug":"keir-starmer-wont-survive-this","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/cityrelocationnews.com\/?p=25","title":{"rendered":"Keir Starmer Won\u2019t Survive This"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Local elections in England\u2014to town and city and rural councils across the country\u2014are usually low-turnout affairs, in which the national government of the day takes a bit of a shellacking, apologizes, reassures voters that it is paying attention to the stuff that they actually care about (usually garbage collection, or the state of the roads), and then moves on without a second thought. That didn\u2019t happen this year. The results on May 7th, which coincided with elections for the national assemblies in Scotland and Wales, proved to be a catastrophe for the Labour Party and a personal crisis for Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister.<\/p>\n

Read more The Pageantry and Flattery of Donald Trump\u2019s Visit to China<\/a><\/p>\n

Starmer, who is sixty-three, has been a national figure in Britain for the past six years\u2014as the leader first of the Labour Party, then of the country as a whole. For most of this time, he has been tolerated but unloved, a walking synonym for \u201cwooden,\u201d \u201cstolid,\u201d and \u201cmiddle-aged haircut.\u201d On Monday night, three days after the local-election results came in, his Cabinet showed signs of abandoning him. Shabana Mahmood, the Home Secretary and one of Labour\u2019s more convincing politicians, was one of several ministers who asked the Prime Minister to set a timetable for his departure. Around eighty members of the parliamentary party publicly made clear that they agreed, enough to set in motion a formal leadership challenge to Starmer, if they coalesce around a rival candidate.<\/p>\n

But, at a Cabinet meeting in Downing Street on Tuesday morning, Starmer refused to step down, leaving British politics in that queasy, all-too-familiar zone in which no one knows what is happening and none of the possible futures looks particularly appetizing. \u201cThe Labour Party has a process for challenging a leader and that has not been triggered,\u201d Starmer told his Cabinet colleagues, according to a statement. \u201cThe country expects us to get on with governing.\u201d I\u2019m not sure the country expects much of anything anymore.<\/p>\n

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Something like this has been coming for a while. For the past year, Starmer has been bumbling along with a net approval rating below minus forty\u2014about twice as bad as President Donald Trump\u2019s\u2014while Nigel Farage\u2019s right-wing Reform U.K. Party has led the polls. But, for the Labour Party, there was a difference between having an anxiety dream and waking up to find that it was real. About five thousand of England\u2019s council seats were up for election last week, and Labour lost some fifteen hundred, about a quarter of its representatives in local government. The Party stumbled to its worst result in the Scottish Parliament, and lost control of Welsh politics for the first time in a hundred years. But the headline results, bad as they were, masked Labour\u2019s evisceration in places that have supported the Party more or less since its formation. Wigan, in Lancashire, has elected Labour M.P.s since 1918. Last week, twenty-five local councillors were up for re\u00eblection, twenty-two from the Labour Party. Every single one lost. Reform took twenty-four of the twenty-five seats. \u201cThis election didn\u2019t come down to big ideas,\u201d Anas Sarwar, the Party\u2019s leader in Scotland, said. \u201cIt came down to a big national wave and a general vibe that we couldn\u2019t change.\u201d<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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Starmer was at the center of that vibe and yet insufficient to explain it. He isn\u2019t so interesting or consequential a politician to have caused such a degree of feeling. Zoom out and he is Friedrich Merz, in Germany, or Emmanuel Macron, in France, just another European centrist in a cruel world, hemorrhaging votes\u2014whether because of Gaza, or immigration, or the cost of living, or a tired and dilapidated welfare state\u2014to populist parties that didn\u2019t exist, or didn\u2019t matter, until ten years ago. One experienced Labour M.P. described canvassing during the recent campaign and taking flak from both Reform-inclined voters and Green Party supporters\u2014Labour\u2019s freshest rivals to the left\u2014within the space of a few minutes. \u201cThat polarization was the clearest thing that I saw,\u201d the M.P. said. \u201cI could knock on doors that were literally next to each other and have people saying diametrically opposed things about Keir Starmer and the Labour Party.\u201d<\/p>\n

Apart from Labour\u2019s losses, the most striking thing about the election results was how evenly the vote was distributed among Britain\u2019s major political parties, of which there are now five. According to modelling by the BBC, if the whole country had voted, Labour, the Conservatives, the Green Party, and the Liberal Democrats all would have won between sixteen and eighteen per cent of the vote, with Reform a notch higher, at around twenty-six per cent. British politics in 2026 is a landscape of meh, with Farage\u2019s grin poking over the horizon.<\/p>\n

But, even if the forces at work are much larger than Starmer, he has proved unsuited to this moment. Since he took office, two summers ago, his premiership has been marked by a deep political clumsiness. His mistakes have included depriving vulnerable older people of a benefit to heat their homes; raising payroll taxes on employers, while simultaneously asking them to hire more young people; and seeking a new relationship with the European Union, but never spelling out what that means. For the past six months, Starmer has been haunted by his only flamboyant decision as Prime Minister: to hire Peter Mandelson, a suave old fixer, to be Ambassador to the U.S., only to dismiss him because of revelations about Mandelson\u2019s friendship with Jeffrey Epstein. But even Mandelson wasn\u2019t a very flamboyant choice really. He was probably at the peak of his powers during the early days of Tony Blair\u2019s New Labour government, almost thirty years ago. (He had to resign from that, too.)<\/p>\n

The politics that Starmer embodies is cautious, patriotic, a little square. Perhaps his greatest achievement as Prime Minister has been to stay out of Trump\u2019s war in Iran, a decision for which he has received absolutely no credit, just an even tougher economic climate in which to enact a domestic-policy agenda that no one can ever remember. (When I checked the Labour Party website on Monday, it said, \u201cEconomic Stability. Secure borders. National Security.\u201d Not exactly \u201cLa Marseillaise.\u201d) For most people, Starmerism is incrementalism leading nowhere in particular\u2014a program that is nowhere near adequate to confront Britain\u2019s economic stagnation or its political splintering.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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Over the weekend, I spoke with Jonathan Rutherford, a longtime Labour adviser, who was invited into the government, briefly, last year. He despaired at the gulf between the party\u2019s London-based leadership and the voters who live in the country\u2019s post-industrialized former heartlands\u2014a gulf that Starmer\u2019s rather inert leadership has only deepened. \u201cWe\u2019re living through an \u00e9lite class that is, in cultural and political terms, wholly different to the people it claims to represent,\u201d Rutherford told me. \u201cGo up north. He is hated<\/em>,\u201d he said, of Starmer. \u201cIn a way, that\u2019s sort of deeply unfair to him. He is viscerally hated, and I don\u2019t think he understands that. I don\u2019t think that people in No. 10 quite understand it.\u201d<\/p>\n

The question is whether replacing Starmer at this point will actually help, or make matters even worse. On Monday morning, the Prime Minister gave a speech that was intended to show that he understood the gravity of his situation and that his government must be bolder from now on. A few minutes before he stepped onstage, I spoke with a peer who has worked with Starmer and endured Labour\u2019s ups and downs for decades.<\/p>\n

Read more Can the Democrats Take Back the Senate?<\/a><\/p>\n

The peer reminded me why the Party elected him in the first place\u2014as an antidote to the soap opera of the Conservative party, which was in power at the time, and as a way to move on from Labour\u2019s internal bickering under Jeremy Corbyn. \u201cWe voted for a man in a suit that wasn\u2019t Boris Johnson or Liz Truss,\u201d the peer said. \u201cThere was never deep love for him in the Party, but absolutely the awareness that this man could do it.\u201d Whereas Labour\u2019s former troubles were mostly ideological and internecine, the peer was struck by the external nature of the challenges it now faces\u2014namely, Britain\u2019s fiscal reality and the shallowness, and brittleness, of its public support. \u201cDuring Corbyn, the problem was in the Labour Party. So we knew what to do,\u201d the peer said. \u201cIt was really hard work, but it was within the Labour Party. This problem is not within the Labour Party. This problem is much bigger.\u201d<\/p>\n

Starmer\u2019s speech\u2014even the idea that a speech might still alter people\u2019s perceptions at this stage\u2014summed up everything about him. It was sincere but small-bore. He stressed the danger posed by Britain\u2019s adversaries abroad and by Farage\u2019s popularity at home. \u201cThis hurts,\u201d Starmer said. \u201cNot just because Labour has done badly, but because, if we don\u2019t get this right, our country will go down a very dark path.\u201d He was in his shirtsleeves, oddly enthused, still in campaign mode, even though the polls had closed four days earlier. Starmer promised narrative and emotion. \u201cStories beat spreadsheets,\u201d he said. \u201cPeople need hope.\u201d And then, because he is Starmer, he announced a list of policies\u2014the government would nationalize a steelworks, continue its negotiations with the E.U, and really crank up its work \u201cin apprenticeships, in technical-excellence colleges, in special-educational needs\u201d\u2014that made it sound like he was reading from a spreadsheet.<\/p>\n

He was at his most convincing when he talked about the harm that would be caused by yet another change of Prime Minister\u2014Starmer is the sixth of the past decade\u2014and all the uncertainty that it would bring. \u201cWe tested it to destruction with the last government, and it inflicted huge damage on this country,\u201d Starmer said. \u201cLabour will never be forgiven if we repeat that.\u201d And yet, within hours, that is what dozens of his colleagues were attempting to orchestrate. \u201cI do have quite a lot of people saying to me they don\u2019t want chaos,\u201d the Labour M.P. told me. \u201cAnd I understand that. However, they are much smaller in number than the number of people who have rejected the Labour Party this time. So, there will have to be a change.\u201d<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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The problem for the Party\u2014and for Starmer, in a curious way\u2014is that he has no obvious successor. All of the likely contenders face considerable obstacles of their own. Wes Streeting, the country\u2019s ambitious young Health Secretary, is disliked on the left of the Party and stalked by questions about his own relationship with Mandelson. Angela Rayner, Starmer\u2019s charismatic former deputy, has been undergoing a tax investigation. (She was cleared of wrongdoing.) Andy Burnham, the popular mayor of Manchester, doesn\u2019t have a seat in the House of Commons, so one would have to be engineered for him. Other possible candidates include Mahmood, the Home Secretary, who isn\u2019t widely known to the public, and Ed Miliband, a former leader of the Party, whose spell in charge was littered with mistakes that weren\u2019t all that dissimilar from Starmer\u2019s. As the adrenaline levels rose on Monday and Tuesday, and the familiar choreography of another British political crisis began to play out\u2014ministerial resignations, spiky statements on X\u2014the collateral damage that Starmer had warned against started to encroach, once again, upon the scene. The pound fell against the dollar. The stock market tottered. The interest rate on thirty-year British government bonds rose to its highest level since 1998.<\/p>\n

By Wednesday morning, a jittery calm had returned. Starmer\u2019s realism\u2014or obstinacy, depending on your point of view\u2014had seen off an immediate challenge. None of his senior Cabinet ministers had resigned. Streeting, who was thought the most eager to break cover, walked into Downing Street for an early-morning confrontation with the Prime Minister. Reporters standing outside timed the meeting at sixteen or seventeen minutes. Either way, Streeting left without a word.<\/p>\n

The main reason that the crisis had paused was that Wednesday was set aside for one of Westminster\u2019s grand ceremonial occasions: when the monarch opens the new parliamentary session. I arrived at Downing Street not long after Streeting left. The roads were closed to traffic, and there was the sound of marching bands. Overnight, indentations in the tarmac had been filled with sand, to ease the passing of the royal carriages. Tall soldiers in bearskin caps shuffled a few inches to the left, or right, to give the parade its proper visual proportions. There was a sudden spring shower, which stiffened into rain. Just after 10:30 A.M.<\/em>, Starmer\u2019s motorcade swept out, and the band played \u201cIt\u2019s a Long Way to Tipperary.\u201d<\/p>\n

The rain had cleared by the time King Charles came past, half an hour later. In Parliament Square, the music was drowned out by the peals of Westminster Abbey. The Household Cavalry, on dark horses and with brightly shining breastplates, trotted past, jingling like a cutlery drawer. The King rode in the Irish State Coach, built in 1852, accompanied by the royal Bargemaster. The machinery of the British state is still a sombre, stirring thing to behold. Inside, in accordance with custom, the King sat on a throne in the House of Lords and read out the government\u2019s legislative program for the year ahead, as if it were his own. \u201cMy government will respond to this world with strength and aim to create a country that is fair for all,\u201d he said. There were thirty-seven bills in all, covering everything from leasehold reform to a new form of digital I.D. card. Few of them were contentious; even fewer were particularly ambitious.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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The scene was impressive but beside the point. There have been a dozen political crises in Britain in the past decade, when Prime Ministers have fallen, elections have been called, and helicopters clattered overhead. But what is different about the downfall of Starmer, which is now under way, has been the timidity of his premiership, its chronic self-doubt, as if its voice were permanently stuck in its throat. For almost two years, Labour has enjoyed a working majority of a hundred and sixty-five seats in the House of Commons\u2014allowing it the kind of political freedom that other centrist governments around the world can only dream of\u2014and yet all it has managed to do is trip over itself. As the King intoned the details of Starmer\u2019s legislative agenda, no one in the chamber really believed that the Prime Minister would be around to implement it. \u201cI pray that the blessing of Almighty God may rest upon your counsels,\u201d the King said. Starmer will be replaced, most likely by Burnham, before Labour has to face the public at a general election. When the ceremony was over, news spread on people\u2019s phones that Streeting was getting ready to mount his challenge. He resigned on Thursday to start this campaign. \u201cWhere we need vision, we have a vacuum. Where we need direction, we have drift,\u201d Streeting wrote. Power in Britain has never felt as hollow as this.\u00a0\u2666<\/em><\/p>\n

Read more Can Hakeem Jeffries Lead a Democratic Takeover of the House?<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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