{"id":596,"date":"2026-06-20T11:05:30","date_gmt":"2026-06-20T11:05:30","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/cityrelocationnews.com\/?p=596"},"modified":"2026-06-20T11:05:30","modified_gmt":"2026-06-20T11:05:30","slug":"how-the-trump-administration-pushed-judges-to-deport-children","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/cityrelocationnews.com\/?p=596","title":{"rendered":"How the Trump Administration Pushed Judges to Deport Children"},"content":{"rendered":"
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At a hearing in April, Jem Sponzo, an immigration judge in New York City, ordered a dozen teen-agers \u201cremoved\u201d\u2014legalese for deported\u2014in less than an hour. The cases were entirely virtual; Sponzo appeared on a television monitor in an empty courtroom. Her eyes were blue, and her robe was astral black. The hearing took place on the twelfth floor of 26 Federal Plaza, the towering regional headquarters of Immigration and Customs Enforcement and the section of the Department of Justice that runs the immigration courts. Last year, amid a federal deportation surge, ICE<\/em> agents there tackled protesters and made numerous arrests. The building was quieter now. There were no court schedules tacked up for the public to peruse. In the hall outside Sponzo\u2019s courtroom, I chatted with a former immigration judge who had come to sit in on proceedings. She and about two hundred of her colleagues\u2014roughly a quarter of immigration judges nationwide\u2014had been laid off or pushed out. We spotted a group of ICE<\/em> officers, in masks and tactical vests. One agent gestured at her and yelled, \u201cThat\u2019s the chick that got fired!\u201d<\/p>\n

Read more Misery Loves Company\u2014If There Are Snacks<\/a><\/p>\n

The immigrants who appeared before Sponzo were classified as unaccompanied alien children, or U.A.C.s, which meant that they had entered the U.S. alone. They were mostly older boys from Guatemala, Honduras, Colombia, and Ecuador; also, Bangladesh. The judge didn\u2019t speak their names or address them directly. They flashed into view\u2014a vertical closeup of a face, a slumped shape at a conference table\u2014only when they forgot to mute themselves.<\/p>\n

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Sponzo asked their lawyers to waive interpretation so that everything could move more quickly. \u201cSo waived,\u201d they each replied. Translated jargon is still jargon. Such efficiencies had recently helped Sponzo get through more cases than any other judge in the courthouse. Many of the immigrants who appeared before her had pending applications for asylum or special immigrant juvenile (SIJ<\/em>) status, the two main ways for U.A.C.s to avoid deportation.<\/p>\n

SIJ<\/em> is a type of humanitarian visa. It involves three steps: a determination by a U.S. state or family court that there has been parental abuse, neglect, or abandonment, and that it isn\u2019t in the young person\u2019s best interest to return to their country of origin; a petition to U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services to recognize those findings; and an application, again to U.S.C.I.S., for the visa and green card. It was created by Congress, in 1990, to protect undocumented kids who ended up in the child-welfare system from being deported or getting stuck in a parentless purgatory. Initially, it was seldom used. Later, as more and more children travelled to the U.S. alone, it became a common form of relief\u2014and was criticized as a loophole that encouraged unaccompanied migration. Between fiscal years 2005 and 2013, the number of approved SIJ<\/em> petitions rose from seventy-three to more than three thousand.<\/p>\n

In a quirk of legislative drafting, SIJ<\/em> had been classified as a type of employment visa and capped at around ten thousand per year. By 2021, some forty-five thousand SIJ<\/em> youth were in line for a visa and green card. By early 2023, the backlog exceeded a hundred thousand. The Biden Administration allowed these applicants to get work permits while they waited.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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For most of the past twenty years, immigration judges tended to offer minors a reprieve from deportation until their SIJ<\/em> and asylum applications had run their course. They also gave them plenty of time to find a lawyer. \u201cThis goes hand in hand with the independence of judges, their independence to control their dockets, their independence in decision-making,\u201d Amiena Khan, the former assistant chief immigration judge in New York City, who was fired in December, told me.<\/p>\n

No longer. Late last year, the Justice Department\u2019s Board of Immigration Appeals held SIJ<\/em> to be a \u201cspeculative\u201d form of relief. Judge Sponzo began to rule accordingly: SIJ<\/em> and asylum, she said from the bench, were \u201ccollateral\u201d to the question of removal. Immigrants and their attorneys felt unable to plead their case. It seemed highly relevant that \u201ca state court has said these children are vulnerable and should not be returned to their home country, and U.S.C.I.S. has determined the same,\u201d Meena Shah, the managing director of legal services at the nonprofit the Door, told me. Yet in a number of SIJ<\/em> cases Sponzo recognized \u201cno application for immediately available relief,\u201d and ordered teen after teen deported. As one court employee observed, \u201cShe never continues cases ever at this point in the game.\u201d<\/p>\n

Throughout President Donald Trump\u2019s second term, all kinds of changes have roiled the immigration courts. Every month, there has been some new directive or precedential case or mass firing that spins the heads of court staff and of lawyers on both sides. The goal is transparent: \u201cto carry out the largest, lawful deportation operation of criminal illegal aliens in history,\u201d as a White House spokesperson said. Adults, few of them with a violent criminal record, were hit first. Certain groups, such as Somali immigrants (whom Trump has called \u201cgarbage\u201d), had their cases fast-tracked. Now unaccompanied kids are being treated like adults, despite laws and policies meant to give them extra consideration. (A D.O.J. spokesperson denied this, adding that U.A.C.s \u201care afforded all special consideration required by law.\u201d)<\/p>\n

This shift, which became widespread in early April, raises \u201ca lot of serious concerns around due process and the plain well-being of children,\u201d Benjamin Remy, a lawyer with the New York Legal Assistance Group, told me. The Department of Justice declined my request for an interview, but a spokesperson said that the agency \u201cprioritizes the timely completion of all cases, including those of unaccompanied alien children.\u201d Delays in immigration court, the agency added, \u201churts both aliens with meritorious claims and the American public who wish to see aliens with non-meritorious claims removed as quickly as possible.\u201d<\/p>\n

Youth had been prioritized for deportation before, including during President Barack Obama\u2019s second term, when tens of thousands of unaccompanied children began showing up at the U.S.-Mexico border. During Obama\u2019s full tenure, around fifty per cent of U.A.C.s either were ordered removed or agreed to voluntarily depart, according to a study by Chiara Galli, of the University of Chicago, and Tatiana Padilla, of the University of Minnesota. That number increased to seventy per cent under the first Trump Administration. Then, under Joe Biden, when there were far more U.A.C.s than ever before, the figure dropped to thirty per cent. Judges were trained to grant adjournments for pending SIJ<\/em> petitions, and the Department of Homeland Security revived an Obama-era program that screened Central American children for humanitarian relief before they made the journey north. \u201cThe idea was to interview them abroad, to determine if they were in danger and if they had a family member in the U.S. who had legal status,\u201d Carmen Maria Rey Caldas, a former immigration judge who worked on that program, told me.<\/p>\n

When Trump returned to office, in 2025, he closed the country\u2019s borders to asylum seekers, including children; shut down the Central American program; and cut funding for pro-bono representation. His immigration adviser, Stephen Miller, referred to U.A.C.s as the \u201cchildren that Joe Biden trafficked into the country\u2014that Democrats trafficked into the country.\u201d There are now fewer than two thousand U.A.C.s in the U.S., compared with some seven thousand in late 2024, a drop attributable mostly to the sealing of the southern border. The total number of children agreeing to voluntary departure has increased sevenfold, the Vera Institute of Justice found.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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In mid-May, at another online hearing of juvenile cases, I was one of two observers in Sponzo\u2019s courtroom. Onscreen, she asked a lawyer if his client wanted to avail himself of \u201cthe privilege of voluntarily departing the United States.\u201d A different lawyer informed the judge that her client, a girl from Russia, \u201chas left the country\u201d already. An Ecuadorian immigrant had decided not to show up, resulting in an automatic removal order. Her lawyer asked for permission to put an explanation on the record: \u201cShe doesn\u2019t believe that, in this political climate, it\u2019s worth it to try.\u201d Some of the minors logged on alone, without any representation. (Between 2013 and 2024, only sixty-two per cent of U.A.C.s had lawyers.) Sponzo ordered more than a dozen young people deported before lunchtime.<\/p>\n

Read more Growing Up with Juneteenth<\/a><\/p>\n

The next day, Sponzo was fired. Despite her apparent effort to carry out Trump\u2019s directives, her record on asylum applications had been overwhelmingly favorable to immigrants: between 2020 and 2025, Sponzo had granted asylum or other relief in eight of ten cases. (She could not be reached for comment.) Another New York judge fired on the same day, Kyle Dandelet, had a grant rate of about seventy per cent. Unlike Sponzo, Dandelet had seemed upset by the curbs on his independence. He distinguished himself at 26 Federal Plaza by denying D.H.S.\u2019s motions to deport asylum applicants before their cases could be heard. (He declined to comment.) That same week, five new immigration judges were appointed in New York. The Department of Justice has made clear in its recruitment materials that it wants to hire \u201cdeportation judges\u201d only. A spokesperson described the agency\u2019s training program as \u201crobust\u201d and \u201congoing.\u201d<\/p>\n

According to the D.O.J., no official \u201ccan direct an Immigration Judge as to how to adjudicate a case, including what deadlines to set in particular cases.\u201d But immigration lawyers, from the East Coast to Illinois, Texas, Washington State, and California, say that judges on juvenile dockets have been setting short deadlines\u2014of just two or three weeks\u2014and rushing through fifty or more cases in a single morning or afternoon block, about double the usual number. Nina Fr\u00f3es, who was fired from her Chelmsford, Massachusetts, courtroom in April, had covered a juvenile docket toward the end of her tenure. She told me that she was regularly given \u201ca random list of cases that needed to be put on the calendar\u201d\u2014cases that needed to be resolved, and quickly. As of last month, some judges have had to hold preliminary hearings for a hundred people at the same time. \u201cIt seems to me,\u201d Fr\u00f3es continued, \u201cthat the Administration has people at the top who go to roundtable meetings and say, brainstorming, \u2018How can we get more people removed? Anybody got any ideas this week? Yeah, great, let\u2019s do that.\u2019\u00a0\u201d<\/p>\n

Trump\u2019s effort to remove more children and teens is expansive; the courts are, in a sense, the least opaque piece of a wider plan. U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services can take months just to issue notices of receipt\u2014confirmation that forms were sent in. Processing times can be correspondingly long. The SIJ<\/em> backlog has surpassed a hundred and fifty thousand. I spoke to Estuar Lopez, who, in 2022, entered the U.S. from Guatemala, as a U.A.C. With the help of a nonprofit lawyer, he was approved for SIJ<\/em>, based on a judicial finding that his parents, who remain in Guatemala, neglected him, but he hasn\u2019t been able to obtain employment authorization or deferred action (temporary protection from removal). He\u2019s enrolled in community college, in California, in the hope of becoming a nurse. This assumes, of course, that a work permit eventually comes through. In the meantime, \u201cif, someday, Border Patrol grabs me,\u201d he said, \u201cI run the risk of being deported.\u201d Two of his friends were recently sent back home.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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Many SIJ<\/em> youth have been arrested and detained. In March, Josue Navarro Zamora, a high-school senior in Louisiana with an approved SIJ<\/em> petition and deferred action, was pulled over by local police for allegedly driving under the influence. But instead of facing a criminal-court judge he was transferred to ICE<\/em> custody and has remained there ever since. In January, Hesler Garcia Lanza, a twenty-four-year-old resident of Long Island with SIJ<\/em>-based deferred action and work authorization, was chased down by ICE<\/em> agents who\u2019d mistaken him for another man. His ordeal was later summarized by a federal-court judge:<\/p>\n

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As bureaucratic cover for the arrest, agents completed a post-arrest administrative warrant and then commenced baseless removal proceedings against him. Then, DHS proceeded to revoke the deferred action and work authorization associated with his SIJ status\u2014a reprehensible act of unimaginable cruelty. Even after this Court set the terms and conditions of petitioner\u2019s release, ICE imposed additional, unsanctioned conditions upon him, and then DHS imposed a hefty fine to offset the cost of his illegal apprehension.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/blockquote>\n

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This isn\u2019t how things are supposed to work in America.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/blockquote>\n

Garcia Lanza was ordered released, but continued to face deportation proceedings in New York. An immigration judge dismissed the case against him earlier this week.<\/p>\n

The outlook for unaccompanied young people kept in Office of Refugee Resettlement shelters is similarly dismal. Last month, in New York, I visited the courtroom of Judge Lisa Ling, who handles the docket for detained juveniles. Her clerk walked into the spectator gallery to pass out candy before the hearings began. Most of the children appearing that day, both virtually and in person, had no lawyer, though nonprofits accompanied them on a \u201cfriend of court\u201d basis, a triage attorney-for-a-day. Unaccompanied minors were spending months in custody, shuffled between facilities, even when they had a sponsor ready to take them in. Owing to several conditions\u2014new vetting procedures, ICE<\/em> arrests of sponsors going through that vetting, and lack of access to lawyers (waitlists for pro-bono counsel are in the thousands)\u2014a child\u2019s average length of detention jumped to four months in 2025, up from just one month the year before. The more time, the greater the risk of turning eighteen and getting transferred to an adult prison.<\/p>\n

\u201cDo you know where you are in the process of reuniting with your family?\u201d Judge Ling asked a boy named Anthony, through a Spanish interpreter. \u201cYes, I\u2019m in the home study,\u201d he said, referring to the inspection of his sponsor\u2019s residence. Increasingly, lawyers for U.A.C.s are obliged to file habeas petitions to get their clients released to relatives. And, in cities such as New York and Chicago, multiple shelters have been closed with little notice. (The Office of Refugee Resettlement declined to comment. It has said that its vetting protocol is designed to prevent trafficking, and that fewer shelters are now necessary because of the decrease in U.A.C.s.)<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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Shah, the attorney at the Door, told me that the government seemed to be closing shelters in places with legal and social support, and moving kids to places like Texas, whose courts are generally less friendly to immigrants. Texas was also where, last Labor Day weekend, D.H.S. boarded seventy-six kids onto planes to Guatemala in the middle of the night. Instead of allowing the children to seek relief in immigration court, the Trump Administration persuaded the Guatemalan government to take them back immediately. It argued that deportation was in the children\u2019s best interests, and that separation from their parents was \u201ca tragedy to be cured, not prolonged.\u201d A federal judge disagreed, issuing a restraining order based on \u201cirreparable harm from transportation outside the United States.\u201d One of the planes was reportedly turned around, midair.<\/p>\n

Other changes will make it harder for all immigrants, including young ones, to envision a future in the U.S. The asylum program continues to be shrunk into irrelevance. Immigration fees have become prohibitively high since last year: a motion to reconsider went from a hundred and ten to a thousand and ten dollars; a motion to cancel removal from a hundred and thirty to seven hundred and thirty dollars. A new executive order could vastly limit \u201cnon-work authorized populations\u201d from accessing credit and banking systems. Some non-citizens with<\/em> work permits are being locked out of jobs that require minimal background checks, ostensibly on the grounds of public safety. And a majority of green-card aspirants could soon be required to leave the country in order to apply, which, advocates say, will prevent many from being let back in.<\/p>\n

With immigration, problems that feel devastatingly novel are often maddeningly old\u2014repeated, recurring. As my colleague Jonathan Blitzer writes in his book, \u201cEveryone Who Is Gone Is Here,\u201d what\u2019s been perceived\u2014sometimes rightly, sometimes wrongly\u2014as the \u201cmass arrival of unaccompanied children\u201d has bedevilled every recent Administration, Democratic and Republican. Presidents Obama, Biden, and Trump have all fast-tracked cases in immigration court to process as many kids as possible. The difference in Trump\u2019s second term is that the outcome is preordained and, in most instances, final. Only so many planes can be turned around midair. \u2666<\/p>\n

Read more Is Vladimir Putin Finally Feeling Pressure?<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The D.O.J. has fast-tracked immigration cases for unaccompanied minors and fired judges who appear not to comply. E. Tammy Kim reports.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":595,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[4],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-596","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-the-lede"],"yoast_head":"\nHow the Trump Administration Pushed Judges to Deport Children - City Relocation News<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/cityrelocationnews.com\/?p=596\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"How the Trump Administration Pushed Judges to Deport Children - City Relocation News\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"The D.O.J. has fast-tracked immigration cases for unaccompanied minors and fired judges who appear not to comply. 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