{"id":995,"date":"2026-07-20T11:06:00","date_gmt":"2026-07-20T11:06:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/cityrelocationnews.com\/?p=995"},"modified":"2026-07-20T11:06:00","modified_gmt":"2026-07-20T11:06:00","slug":"can-andy-burnhams-manchesterism-save-the-u-k-s-center-left","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/cityrelocationnews.com\/?p=995","title":{"rendered":"Can Andy Burnham\u2019s Manchesterism Save the U.K.\u2019s Center Left?"},"content":{"rendered":"
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You\u2019re reading The Financial Page<\/strong>, John Cassidy\u2019s weekly column on economics and politics.<\/em><\/span><\/div>\n<\/div>\n

Britain\u2019s new Prime Minister, Andy Burnham, has been a Labour Party politician for twenty-five years, but in taking over from the unpopular Keir Starmer as premier\u2014his country\u2019s seventh in a decade\u2014he is understandably keen to project his accession to power as a big break with the past. From 2017 until last month, Burnham was the mayor of Greater Manchester, the U.K.\u2019s second-largest metropolitan area. In a series of speeches and interviews since he launched a challenge to Starmer a couple of months ago, he has been running under the banner of Manchesterism, which some of its supporters have hailed as a fresh and more inclusive model of economic management.<\/p>\n

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For decades, Burnham argues, British governments of both parties have failed the seventy per cent of the population that lives outside of Southeast England, the most prosperous part of the country. In a May speech that marked his re\u00ebmergence on the national stage, he name-checked a series of small towns and suburbs around Manchester that were devastated by deindustrialization during the nineteen-eighties, and then subjected, under Margaret Thatcher and her successors, to the rigors of privatization and deregulation. These places had been \u201cleft adrift,\u201d with economic, social, and political power draining from them, Burnham said. \u201cIt all adds up to forty years of neoliberalism that have not been kind to the North of England.\u201d<\/p>\n

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For five of those forty years, from 2005 to 2010, Burnham served in the Labour governments of Tony Blair and Gordon Brown, which embraced some parts of the Thatcherite policy agenda, such as low business taxes. Rather than dwelling on his Blairite roots, Burnham calls for the devolution of power away from London and points to his record as the mayor of Greater Manchester County from 2017 until last week. Once the birthplace of the Industrial Revolution, the city of Manchester has, in recent decades, reconstituted itself as a fast-growing services hub also known for its football teams, music, and night life. Burnham, who was born in the nearby city of Liverpool, has proved a popular leader. Manchester\u2019s success \u201ccomes from not leaving everything to the market\u2014but public intervention where necessary to set higher ambitions\u00a0.\u00a0.\u00a0. and kick-start the process of change,\u201d he said in another recent speech. \u201cThis is Manchesterism.\u201d<\/p>\n

With Burnham\u2019s emphasis on regenerating left-behind communities and mobilizing the government to tackle affordability, he has drawn comparisons to New York City\u2019s Mayor Zohran Mamdani. Both men have pledged to address rising rent and home prices by building more affordable units. Since Thatcher\u2019s government gave public-housing tenants the right to buy their homes back in the nineteen-eighties, the U.K.\u2019s stock of public housing has been sorely depleted; to replenish and expand it, Burnham has called for the biggest public home-building program since the Second World War. In Greater Manchester, he launched the Good Growth Fund, financed by the city\u2019s pension fund and the central government, to create jobs and affordable housing in parts of the city that have missed out on the recent boom.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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Like Mamdani, whose campaign called for fast and free buses, Burnham has also championed investments in public transportation. One of his signature initiatives in Greater Manchester was seizing control of the region\u2019s privatized bus services, cutting fares, setting and co\u00f6rdinating routes, and providing free passes to certain groups, including people aged sixteen to eighteen, and discount prices to people aged eighteen to twenty-one. His Bee Network, an integrated transport system of buses, trams, walking routes, and rental bikes, is a big hit with the Mancunian public. \u201cThe thing that ties Mamdani and Burnham together is a focus on how you make life more affordable and dignified for households that are relentlessly squeezed,\u201d Mathew Lawrence, the founder and director of Common Wealth, a progressive transatlantic think tank, told me.<\/p>\n

To be sure, Burnham has his doubters and critics. Some of them point out that the economic rebirth of Manchester began before he became mayor, and that it hasn\u2019t necessarily benefitted the city\u2019s surrounding towns, some of which still have declining populations. Many of the housing units that have been built in Manchester\u2019s city center, sometimes with support from public loans or loan guarantees, are expensive market-rate apartments; more affordable units are still hard to find. \u201cGreater Manchester, far from representing a story of a dynamic break with the neoliberal consensus, instead represents a crystallisation of it,\u201d Isaac Rose, a local tenant organizer, wrote in The New Statesman<\/em>.<\/p>\n

That\u2019s a questionable verdict. Like virtually all mayors, Burnham encouraged and welcomed private-sector investments. But he also used the power of his office, which is relatively limited, to move his city in a progressive direction, creating what some of his supporters see as a template for action at the national level. \u201cAndy Burnham\u2019s Greater Manchester programme\u2014the Bee Network, expanded council housing, the Good Growth Fund\u2014has begun to show what the logic of public control produces in practice: lower fares, more routes, restored connectivity to communities the market had written off, and the fastest-growing city economy in Britain,\u201d Lawrence and a co-author, Alex Williams, wrote in a recent report titled \u201cThe Productive State: A Framework for Manchesterism.\u201d<\/p>\n

Over time, Lawrence and Williams argue, the interventionist approach that Burnham has adopted in Manchester could be developed into a new way to manage the entire British economy in the public interest. In the vision that they present, the economy would ultimately be divided into three tiers: a \u201cdecommodified foundation,\u201d in which local authorities and publicly run corporations provide essential goods and services; a \u201cstabilized market middle,\u201d incorporating most of manufacturing and retail sectors, which would remain in private hands, with the government playing a stabilizing role; and an \u201cinnovation frontier,\u201d also privately run, but with the government actively enforcing competition policies and providing financial support for research and development. Such an economy would not only be more equitable, Lawrence and Williams claim, but also more efficient because it would tackle some chronic market failures, such as corporate rent-seeking, financialization, and growing regional disparities.<\/p>\n

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The extent to which Burnham himself is invested in the ambitious version of Manchesterism laid out in the Common Wealth report isn\u2019t entirely clear: Lawrence said that he has briefed Burnham\u2019s team on the paper, and Burnham has previously cited some earlier work that Common Wealth did on the impact of privatization, but the organization has no formal links to the new Prime Minister or his fledgling government. Moreover, Burnham will now have to deal with many of the same obstacles that handicapped Starmer\u2019s government after it won a big majority, in 2024: stagnant living standards; a largely hostile press; political challenges from the right (Nigel Farage\u2019s Reform Party) and the left (the Green Party); a hefty budget deficit; and wary financial markets, which, in 2022, rapidly put an end to the premiership of the hapless Conservative Prime Minister, Liz Truss. (After Truss\u2019s government introduced a tax-cutting budget that investors consider irresponsible, bond yields surged and the value of the sterling plummeted. She was forced to resign.)<\/p>\n

Burnham has described his ascension to 10 Downing Street as \u201cthe biggest change in forty years of British politics.\u201d He vowed to give local governments \u201cgreater public control\u201d over some key sectors of the economy, including water, energy, and housing, and he explicitly called for the nationalization of Thames Water, a public utility that supplies Greater London and the Thames Valley. (In 1989, the Thatcher government corporatized the regional Thames Water Authority and floated it on the stock exchange. Since then, Thames Water has had a number of owners, including an Australian private-equity firm, and it has become notorious for underinvestment, leaks, sewage spills, and the extraction of hefty dividends.) At the same time, though, Burnham has been keen to reassure the markets that he won\u2019t do anything financially irresponsible. Indeed, he has promised to abide by two important fiscal pledges that Starmer\u2019s government adopted: balancing day-to-day spending and revenues within five years and reducing the public debt as a percentage of G.D.P. in the same period. Burnham has also said that he won\u2019t immediately raise taxes on the wealthy, a policy option that, at least in theory, could help pay for a more progressive spending agenda. (He did also say that \u201cat some point\u201d he might have to ask wealthy taxpayers \u201cfor a little more.\u201d) \u201cThe financial constraints are still in place, and I don\u2019t think the over-all policies will be radically different from Starmer\u2019s,\u201d one veteran Labour policy adviser told me.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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Still, Burnham does have the ability to differentiate himself from his predecessor in certain ways. The adviser told me that, even without drastically expanding the budget or upending the financial markets, Burnham could borrow a bit more to finance public-infrastructure investments and channel money to depressed regions. As the \u201cProductive State\u201d report points out, England\u2019s fiscal system is highly centralized, and it has severely handicapped local efforts to promote growth and development. Burnham could also give local authorities more power to raise taxes or issue bonds on their own. These moves would be faithful to Manchesterism, and they would represent an important reform. Whether they would be sufficient to sweeten the sour mood of the British public is more questionable.<\/p>\n

Lawrence told me that, in his view, Burnham faces three tests: devolving power to the regions; providing households with some immediate meaningful relief from the rising cost of living while containing inflation; and reversing privatization to clear the way for longer-term structural reforms in parts of the economy \u201cthat aren\u2019t working for ordinary people.\u201d Passing these tests and raising Labour\u2019s poll ratings would represent a formidable challenge to anybody, but Burnham has at least one notable advantage over Starmer: in person and online, he\u2019s an effective communicator.<\/p>\n

\u201cIn an era of populism, center-left parties need leaders with a populist touch, and Andy does have that,\u201d Dan Corry, an economist who headed the 10 Downing Street policy unit during Gordon Brown\u2019s government, told me. \u201cHe\u2019s personable, and he has good political instincts.\u201d In an e-mail, another London-based Labour figure offered a more jaundiced take on Burnham: \u201cHe seems to have done something smart with the buses but other than that nobody is entirely sure what \u2018Manchesterism\u2019 is beyond being a brilliant comms coup i.e. Burnham seems to have convinced a lot of people that Manchesterism exists, made it part of his brand. As a political achievement that is no mean feat and stands in sharp contrast to his predecessor\u2019s, er, inabilities.\u201d<\/p>\n

Communication skills only go so far, of course, and there are big decisions to be made, the first of which is selecting a new Chancellor of the Exchequer to oversee the economy. The incumbent, Rachel Reeves, is expected to leave office. The favorite to replace her had been Ed Miliband, the left-leaning energy secretary, who has been overseeing a net-zero initiative and would likely be sympathetic to an ambitious Manchesterism agenda. But last week there were reports that Burnham was set to pick the current Home Secretary, Shabana Mahmood, an immigration hawk who hails from the right-leaning end of the Labour Party and could conceivably be more favorably received by the financial markets. \u201cYou do need a Chancellor who understands this agenda and is committed to it,\u201d Lawrence said. \u201cIf someone is chosen based on fears of short-term fluctuations in the bond market, that, to me, would be a worrying sign.\u201d\u00a0\u2666<\/p>\n

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With a populist touch, and a focus on affordability and raising up left-behind communities, Britain\u2019s new Prime Minister has drawn comparisons to Zohran Mamdani. 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